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A response to the Richard Commission from Lord Livsey of Talgarth

2.  ANALYSIS
Contents
The Referendum, 1997.
The objectives of the Referendum were translated into proposals derived primarily from the Labour Party's General Election Manifesto.
The proposals were a compromise within the Welsh Labour Party, between those who wanted devolution, and significant shades of opinion against it. Therefore the proposals for the Referendum were only just adequate to achieve a majority.

The Referendum was only won because those in the Labour Party who were genuine reformers combined with the Liberal Democrats and Plaid Cymru to form a united front for a "Yes" vote. Support from the Government at Westminster was crucial, as was the Cook-Maclennan agreement in securing a "Yes" vote, albeit only for Executive Devolution.

The Government of Wales Bill.

The Bill, as originally drafted, was a mirror image of the Referendum proposals, and followed very closely structures and policies contained in the Referendum documents.

The Bill was timid, when viewed by a Liberal Democrat MP like me, as I had campaigned for years for a Welsh Parliament with Primary Legislative powers. Indeed, it did not seem to meet the aspirations of the Welsh people, and was, not helped by the fact that it was drafted by Executive civil servants in the Welsh Office.

In Committee, therefore, we did our best to amend the Bill. We recognised that the Secretary of State, Ron Davies, had gone as far as he could within the constraints of the various views within his Party. In the final analysis, we wanted to see the Bill succeed, but we put down markers in amendments which would improve the Bill, and ultimately, the Legislature.

Briefly, the additional functions we wanted were as follows, and contained in our amendments:-
(Our policy was for a Federal UK, with the old Welsh Office powers being devolved to a Welsh Parliament. Foreign Affairs, Defence, Treasury and Home Office affairs would still be dealt with by Westminster. Our amendments reflected this for Wales, as follows)

• Primary Legislative powers

• Tax varying powers

• Agriculture

• Transport

• Broadcasting

• A cabinet system of Government

• Election by single transferable vote or open regional lists in elections

• An 80 or 70 Member Assembly

• Direct communications with the European Union

• Independent Committee Clerks and Officers of the Assembly.

There were many other amendments, but the above gives some idea of the type of amendments tabled. In all cases, except that of a cabinet system of Government, our amendments were not accepted. I believe that had they been, the Assembly would by now have been better accepted by people in Wales. It would have proved to be far more effective and indeed more popular.
The Government of Wales Act.

Subsequently, the Government of Wales Act had to be put into practice by the new Assembly Members, the Cabinet, the Ministers and the civil servants.

The frustrations of only being able to execute secondary legislation are well known. Certainly in agriculture, and with DEFRA in particular, many frustrating problems have surfaced. Even with Health and Education, inadequate powers for the Assembly have denied innovative policies. "Free care for the elderly," and the abolition of "top up" fees for students are only two examples of an inability to legislate within Wales for the greater good. This Act has kept the Law Officers of the Assembly busy!

The Government of Wales Act should have provided Wales with a legislative Parliament. It should have replicated the Scottish model. The time (1998) was, regrettably, not right. However, now we have the opportunity, with the Richard Commission Report, to put these matters into a logical model for the better government of Wales.

The following sections, in my view, outline the best way ahead.