COMMISSION ON THE POWERS AND ELECTORAL
ARRANGEMENTS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY FOR WALES
MINUTES OF PROCEEDINGS
of the
EVIDENCE OF:
EQUAL OPPORTUNITIES COMMISSION
DISABILITY RIGHTS COMMISSION
held at
THE HILTON HOTEL, NEWPORT
on
23 MAY 2003
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In Attendance
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Lord Richard, Chair, Richard Commission
Huw Thomas, Richard Commission
Tom Jones, Richard Commission
Paul Valerio, Richard Commission
Vivienne Sugar, Richard Commission
Dr Laura McAllister, Richard Commission
Peter Price, Richard Commission
Sir Michael Wheeler Booth, Richard Commission
Ted Rowlands, Richard Commission
Kate Bennett, Equal Opportunities Commission
William Bee, Disability Rights Commission
Lord Richard
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Thank you very much for coming and we
look forward greatly to hearing what you have to say.
The procedure we usually adopt is to ask you to identify
yourselves for the sake of the transcript and then,
perhaps, open up the discussion for us and then we can
pursue issues as they arise.
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Kate Bennett
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I am Kate Bennett. I am Director of the
Equal Opportunities Commission in Wales.
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William Bee
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I am Will Bee and I am the Director for
Wales for the Disability Rights Commission.
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Kate Bennett
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I think we decided that I am going to
go first on the basis that I hope you have seen the
written submission that I supplied, and I just wanted
to make a couple of references to that and add one or
two additional points. I think Will has got a little
bit more to say than I have.
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The position, which you are obviously
aware of, is that the majority of the equality legislation
is not devolved the Sex Discrimination Act, the
Race Relations Act and amendment Act and so on; disability
rights are not devolved. The new legislation that will
be coming in force in December to give additional protection
to people gay and bisexual people, on grounds
of religion and in relation to age, which will come
into force in 2006 - that is also not devolved. I am
not aware of any suggestion really from anybody that
it would be a good idea to devolve that legislation;
that it is a sensible thing to do to have a standard
set of minimum rights across the whole of Britain.
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However, we also have in Wales some additional
equality legislation, primarily Section 120 of the Government
of Wales Act. This is a section which requires the National
Assembly to pay due regard to equality of opportunity
in carrying out its functions in determining its policies.
During the course of last year last July, I think
it was we published an analysis of this Section
120 of the Government of Wales Act. Have I given it
to you?
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Lord Richard
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I have got it.
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Kate Bennett
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Numerous supplies of this can be provided
and it is also available on the Equal Opportunities
Commission website. What this research concludes is
that Section 120 of the Government of Wales Act, which
requires the Assembly to mainstream equality in all
its functions and policies, has had a very significant
impact in Wales. A distinctive equality agenda is emerging
which is more progressive and more far-reaching than
the equality agenda in England and Scotland.
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Lord Richard
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Can you spell that out? I know it is
not hard, but where do you see the divergence?
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Kate Bennett
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We consider that the Assembly is taking
more seriously the requirements to promote equality.
In fact, the British Government does not have a requirement
to promote equality. The Race Relations (Amendment)
Act has obviously introduced some new legislation which
requires public bodies to promote equality in terms
of race, but the National Assembly has a duty to pay
due regard to equality of opportunities for all people,
though it does not distinguish between race, gender,
disability, sexual orientation, gypsy travellers, poverty,
it has a generalised duty to promote equality, which
goes substantially beyond either the existing three
strands that exist in the British equality legislation
or, indeed, the six strands that the European legislation
is requiring British legislation to come into force
in the next little while.
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Particular areas have been identified
as distinctive action, and distinctive action has been
defined by the report as things that were not happening
in Wales before the establishment of the Assembly and
things that are not happening in England or Scotland.
So, for example, in terms of public appointment, the
National Assembly has taken a different approach to
making public appointments. In the past, independent
assessors were involved in assisting the making of public
appointments and those were people that had been
as Prof Rees would say tapped on the shoulder
and asked if they would like to be an independent assessor.
Following some recommendations about mainstreaming equality
into the public appointments process, the arrangements
were concluded and they advertised in the UK media for
new public appointments for people to be independent
assessors on public appointment processes. One of my
colleagues and one of Wills colleagues spent 20
days each, I think, in December and January, in being
involved in those appointments. So there was a specific
equality requirement for anybody that wanted to be an
independent assessor and there was a specific equality
perspective involved in every single appointment. My
understanding is that that has resulted in extremely
substantial change in the individuals who hold posts
as independent assessors.
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In terms of one of the areas that I am
particularly concerned about, equal pay, the National
Assembly has taken a very different view to the British
Government in terms of equal pay. That is something
we have pressed them to do and said, "Actually, in order
to fulfil your responsibility of paying due regard to
equality of opportunity you have an obligation to consider
the pay of your own staff, the pay arrangements for
those bodies that are funded by the Assembly across
the whole of Wales". So the Assembly has carried out
pay reviews, it has put a substantial amount of money
into correcting the pay anomalies that emerged in its
own pay system. It then has gone on to the 20 or so
public bodies, required them to do the same, given them
financial assistance to address the pay gaps that they
have identified. And in its contracts compliance process
it has built in a voluntary code of practice for suppliers,
which requires them to report on how they take equality
into account, both in terms of the service delivery
but also in terms of their employment practices.
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The Assembly has commissioned a report
called "Lifting Every Voice", which looks at the way
civil service recruitment is carried out. That has made
a whole series of recommendations, which have established
a different recruitment process for civil servants employed
by the National Assembly at Grade 7 and below. These
have been implemented and there have been serious concerns
raised by the Cabinet Office in London who feel that
this means there is now a different appointments process
for the National Assembly to the rest of the British
civil service.
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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What kinds of differences are there?
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Kate Bennett
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For example, there is much wider advertising;
specific jobs as opposed to generic jobs are advertised;
there is equality training for every single person involved
in the recruitment process; there is the potential for
a trade union observer on all panels. I think it would
be fair to say that this process has not fully embedded
and not everybody is content that it is carried out
in exactly that way on each occasion, but certainly
there is a will to be recruiting in a different way.
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There are also completely different kinds
of measures, which have a very important equality perspective
for example, the student grants process, as well
as being distinctive (that there are student grants
in Wales and not in England), particular attention has
been made to support for child care, for assistance
for travel; so particular things that are of benefit
to women and poorer students. In terms of free bus passes
for older people, the majority of beneficiaries of that
are older women because there is a very large over-60
population in Wales, and again older women because of
their disadvantage in earlier years are amongst the
poorest of the population.
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So there are quite a lot of generic measures
that would not necessarily be seen as equality measures
which are beneficial in that way. I think many of the
steps that the Assembly has taken, guided by Section
120, have had a very positive impact and a very good
impact in terms of equality but they have been broad
brush so far: they are non-prescriptive, non-specific
as the publication will tell you. So there is a possible
danger that some groups and I think this is something
that Will may speak about who require a specific
input as opposed to a general action and may not feel
that they have been so beneficially treated by the Section
120. Nevertheless, the evidence in that short version
of the report there is a much longer one available
shows that there is a distinctive equality emerging
which is having a differential impact on people in Wales.
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One thing that it does show, which is
interesting as well, is that although this is happening
it is not something that has been talked about by people
across Wales. It is quite interesting that that is one
area that the Scots because I am sure you are
interested in what is happening in Scotland as well
although they do not have this legislation and
although the comparative research is showing that the
equality action and agenda that is emerging in Scotland
is not as radical as that in Wales, what Scots are excelling
at is having a much higher profile, a much better public
engagement with the equality measures that the Scottish
Parliament have developed.
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Lord Richard
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You quote in this publication:
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"Recent analysis has concluded that the
political climate for equalities has undoubtedly improved
and new structural spaces have opened up, the questions
is
. About the extent to which there is continuity
and to what degree different priorities and agenda can
be discerned."
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What do they mean by "structural spaces"?
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Kate Bennett
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This is another one of the initiatives
that have been taken. What they mean there is that the
Assembly has established consultative mechanisms with
groups that have not been listened to before in terms
of consultation.
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Lord Richard
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Such as?
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Kate Bennett
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Such as Stonewall Cymru that you met
yesterday, which was previously called the Lesbian Gay
Bisexual Forum Cymru. It gives an opportunity for voices
to be heard such as the All Wales Ethnic Minority Association
that you have heard from, Disability Wales - these are
bodies that are funded from the National Assembly -
which actually did exist prior to devolution, but nevertheless
these are ways for the Assembly to try and hear more
clearly from people that have not been heard before.
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Lord Richard
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This is deliberate policy by the Assembly,
is it?
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Kate Bennett
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It is deliberate policy by the Assembly.
What the research shows because this is what
is so interesting for us is what is driving this.
What the research concludes is that there are a number
of drivers there are more women in the Assembly,
there is obviously a different political-economic social
context in Wales but what they find is the main
driver is the legislation under Section 120. Everything
always comes back to that.
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The number of times I have been at meetings
and Rhodri Morgan or someone has been there and said,
"I am thrilled to be here at this inaugural conference
of the Lesbian Gay Bisexual Forum. However, I am not
here because I am thrilled to be here, I am here because
I am obliged to be here because we are paying due regard
to equal opportunities". So it is something that is
taken extremely seriously by the politicians and by
the Counsel General, who has advised that indeed not
only is the Assembly able to have its voluntary code
of practice for contractors to try and encourage them
to take equality measures in their employment and service
delivery practices but an argument that they ought to
do that.
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The other thing about the legislation:
I know that there are some rumours circulating that
perhaps the Assembly does not have these powers and
it is exceeding their powers. I think it is extremely
damaging that these rumours are circulating because
we have not heard them at all until the last few days.
There is no suggestion from any of the top legal people
in the Assembly that we have spoken to recently, or
other academics, that the Assembly does not have these
powers. Certainly our research obviously went into this.
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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Can I ask, on your presentation about
the paper which so far only the Chairman has been privileged
to even pass his hands over? The question is a specific
one. Does it have any estimate of the cost of these
measures, because it is a relevant factor, is it not?
Supposing, for example, you take steps to promote greater
equality in recruitment of staff below grade 7, it has
a cost?
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Kate Bennett
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It is an extremely complex matter actually,
because what I would say is that actually it may not
have a long-term cost, but there is obviously an initial cost at the
point of recruitment.
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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Is there anything in that document
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Kate Bennett
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No. Nobody has done this costing, but
I think the point is that if you recruit better and
treat people better, pay them in a different way, you
may get better services delivered.
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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Absolutely.
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Kate Bennett
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And it will save money. If you enable
women to have child care so that they can get to work,
so they can pay taxes, pay their National Insurance,
provide better for themselves in old age----
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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On the other hand, if you advertise in
England as well as Wales for jobs, you have to pay,
say, The Financial Times or whoever it is for
advertising and that is a case. I am not trying to put
it in a loaded way at all, I do not know the answer.
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Kate Bennett
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I would love to know the answer as well.
I am hoping that these measures would be cost-effective
in facilitating disabled people to be able to work so
that they can earn money and not have to claim benefits.
Another measure that the Assembly is looking at is free
swimming; that promotes good health and perhaps you
get less boys setting fire to the hillside. You can
have this vision, but I think it would be extremely
interesting to be able to cost it.
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Lord Richard
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The picture you are presenting is of
a legislature which has got the power under Section
120 and is exercising power.
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Kate Bennett
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That is right, and that is probably why
my presentation, my initial submission, did not really
focus on this because that was not the area. Shall I
move on to the next area?
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Lord Richard
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Yes, please do.
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Kate Bennett
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The main thing on which I submitted the
paperwork related to the Single Equality Body that the
Government is consulting on at the moment. I do not
know to what extent you have had a chance to look at
it, but what I sent you was a whole series of submissions
from people which relate to how the Single Equality
Body might operate in Wales. There is one quite interesting
thing, which I did not actually cover in here, which
is that a very large number of organisations that have
responded to the Government Consultation on the Single
Equality Body have said that in order for the Single
Equality Body, which will oversee all the six strands
that the Government is legislating on to have equality
measures, should be underpinned by a single Equality
Act. What is being said is that if you have different
legislation in relation to gender, disability, race,
sexual orientation, that there will be hierarchy of
equality, so actual the benefit of having a single body
draw these together will be lost.
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I particularly wanted to point out that
both the Welsh Assembly Government in its response to
the British Government has said it is essential that
there should be a single Equality Act and strongly believe
it is needed. The National Assembly Equality of Opportunities
Committee have said that a single Equality Act is a
prerequisite for the success of the Single Equality
Body.
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What we obviously do not know at this
stage is whether the Government is going to legislate
in that way, to have a single Equality Act. This view
that a single Equality Act is needed is a very widespread
view; certainly it is one that we would both hold and
many other organisations that have been consulted on.
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However, the signs are not at all encouraging
from the British Government that a single Equality Act
is likely to be forthcoming. The Parliamentary Group
of MPs in the sex equality field have said that they
feel so strongly that there should be a single Equality
Act that if it is not possible to do it on the Government
timetable that the Government timetable should be changed
so we get the Act first. So this is the very widespread
view.
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The additional point that I wanted to
make today is this. If the Government does not heed
what is being said, then so be it - they are ignoring
the views of a large number of organisations. But I
think the issue that will be of interest to you is if
the Welsh Assembly Government is saying that this is
something which is essential
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Lord Richard
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Take it in stages. The Welsh Assembly
Government have not got the power, have they? Do the
Scots do this?
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Kate Bennett
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No, because equality is not devolved
in Scotland.
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Ted Rowlands
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If I can just ask a question, because
I am not quite up to speed. If you have a single Equality
Act, does that mean that the same penalties, offences
and discrimination would apply to disability and equal
opportunities?
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Kate Bennett
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Broadly, yes.
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Ted Rowlands
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They would actually all be exactly the
same? At the moment they are very different, are they
not?
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Kate Bennett
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They are very different, and so we feel
that there is a hierarchy - there certainly is a hierarchy
because public authorities are required to promote racial
equality; they are not required to promote equality
in relation to any other strand. The definition for
indirect sex discrimination is different to the others.
In terms of the new strands the rights are only going
to relate to employment and not to service delivery.
So there are many, many differences. It is a very confusing
picture at the moment.
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Lord Richard
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Go back to your point before I diverted
you by the Scottish cul-de-sac.
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Kate Bennett
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My point is a very simple one really.
The Welsh Assembly Government is saying that in order
for this to be effective we need this legislation. My
fear is that we may not get the legislation, and I just
think that is an interesting factor for you to consider.
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Lord Richard
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What would the Assembly do?
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Kate Bennett
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It will not be able to do anything, other
than taking any positive equality initiative that goes
beyond the law in terms of its own workforce, in terms
of what it funds, which is obviously very substantial
in Wales - the NHS, local government, the Assembly Sponsored
Public Bodies - which in turn have a very big impact
on the private sector. If you think of somewhere like
Powys: by the time you have taken out the public sector
employment that is funded by the National Assembly,
that is very substantial and has a knock-on impact on
the labour market and the expectations of the people,
but in terms of legislation the Assembly cannot do anything.
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I feel as if I have been talking for
a very long time. I just wanted to summarise the points
that all the bodies in Wales have said need to be taken
into account in establishing a Single Equality Body,
which is what we anticipate the British Government will
do. It has been said that single equality bodies should
have formal links with the Welsh Assembly Government
and the National Assembly, which it does not have at
the moment. It is being said that the Single Equality
Body in Wales should have the requirement and obligation
to advise the Assembly and to be an external monitor
of Section 120 (which we have just been speaking about)
as well as section 48 of the Government of Wales Act,
which requires it to pay due regard to equality in the
way that it carries out it business.
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It has been said that resources and autonomy
should be available to the Single Equality Body in Wales
to respond to the distinctive agenda and priorities
in Wales.
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Dr Laura McAllister
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Can you elaborate on that, because resources
and autonomy can be available in a number of ways. Which
issues have been discussed?
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Kate Bennett
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The Equal Opportunities Commission is
the body that has had an arm in Wales for the longest
out of the three Commissions. I am the current Director
in Wales and we are an integral part of the British
Equal Opportunities Commission; we operate to the corporate
plan, and that corporate plan is then agreed with our
Secretary of State (Patricia Hewitt of the DTI at the
current time). The extent to which there are any deviations
from the corporate plan which has been agreed with the
Secretary of State is quite limited and the amount of
resources that are available for us to operate in Wales
are very limited. So if the Assembly said, as it did,
"Could you please spend 20 days helping us on public
appointments?", we managed to do that really out of
our own resources (and I think the same will apply to
you at DRC), but we are not really equipped to do that.
So that was a demand being put on us by the Assembly
in order for it to fulfil its objectives, which is not
a demand being put on the EOC in England.
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Tom Jones
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Should not the corporate plan have reflected
the national and regional necessity for the UK? In that
sense it would have put into the plan whatever Wales
needed.
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Kate Bennett
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That is exactly what we are saying should
happen, and it is our intention to do that at the moment.
But all our organisations are extremely stretched for
cash and resources and at the end of the day my Chief
Executive agrees with Patricia Hewitt what we are going
to do. So if Patricia Hewitt says "I do not see why
they should be doing (whatever it may be)". That is
just an example that has come up recently; that maybe
there would not have been an amount of difficulty with
it, but it does mean that we have had to take resources
away from what we had previously expected to do because
it came up at short notice. So we had to pull people
off another project, which is one that had been planned
through the course of the year.
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If there was a completely different agenda,
for example in relation to gender - and I will stick
with gender - the National Assembly wanted to do work
around family planning, the particular issue of teenage
pregnancies in Wales (which is very high); they were
anxious about domestic violence - these are areas which
are absolutely not in our plan at the moment. But that
would be a much bigger deviation. Those things have
not come up, but we are at an early stage and, of course,
we have the same political parties, essentially, in
charge in Westminster as we do in Cardiff Bay. There
could obviously be a much greater conflict in the event
that there was a substantially different political perspective
in agreeing with the statutory equality bodies what
their overall plan should be from the political imperative
in Cardiff Bay.
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Lord Richard
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And they could do the single equality
investments without there being a Bill?
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Kate Bennett
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No, and they are consulting on this Bill.
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Lord Richard
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There is no draft Bill?
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Kate Bennett
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No.
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Dr Laura McAllister
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Just to go back to my point, given the
current situation, which has lent itself to potential
tensions in terms of policy direction and so on, what
are you asking for in addition to the current situation
in a Single Equalities Board in Wales? What additional
things would make it more autonomous and less prone
to that kind of situation of being dragged into two
directions?
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Kate Bennett
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The Government has not yet consulted
about level of detail - it will be doing so in the Summer
and the Autumn. So the kind of things is the bullet
point 3 set out in my submission here. They talk about
a formal link with the Assembly: at the moment we sit
on the Equality of Opportunity Committee as Statutory
Advisers, and we do that because we have been invited
to do it and because we want to do it and because we
think it is useful and because our parent bodies are
happy for us to do it. We would like to see those kind
of links more formalised. We are not obliged to do that
and they are not obliged to listen. It seems to me that
that is a gap; that that obligation to do that, that
formal link, is not there.
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We have a Wales Commissioner, and the
DRC and the CRE also have at least one Commissioner
for Wales; the Secretaries of State in London make those
appointments. The National Assembly has no sensible
mechanism, no adequate mechanism, for feeding into that
process. There is a specific proposition that the Commissioner
is one or more for Wales and the Single Equality Body
should be a joint appointment by the National Assembly
and the relevant Secretary of State.
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Tom Jones
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I am glad you have said one or more because
in discussions yesterday that concerned a single equality,
the six strands together, and only one person for the
area of Wales. There is always a danger that the Assembly
or yourselves are satisfied that having the power to
involve the employment on the one hand - what would
be the range of skills required in the main and, of
course, also fulfilling the chair - plus the research
capacity to back up that single named commissioner -
you go to the Assembly.
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Kate Bennett
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I think that is right, but I think it
depends on what model of commissioner they go for. One
proposition at the moment is they might go for a very
small number of full-time commissioners, six or seven.
If they went for six or seven commissioners only for
the whole of Britain, I think it would be unrealistic
to expect more than one for Wales - although one idea
is that there should be a chair and two vice-chairs,
with the vice-chairs drawn from Scotland and Wales.
If there were a much larger number of commissioners,
then you are absolutely right - we should be looking
at more people.
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Lord Richard
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Can I go back to your relationship with
the Equality of Opportunity Committee? You are the Statutory
Advisers. Who decides what you advise on?
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Kate Bennett
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We advise on anything that the Committee
discusses.
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Lord Richard
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Would you get Committee agendas?
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Kate Bennett
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We get Committee agendas, we go to meetings.
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Lord Richard
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And you have got the right to say "We
want to talk to you about this?"
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Kate Bennett
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Yes.
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Lord Richard
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So it is not a question of relying on
the Committee asking for your views?
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Kate Bennett
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If the Chair said "Kate, we do not want
to hear from you on this" - I do not have a statutory
right to speak in that way.
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Vivienne Sugar
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What about the relationship with Ministers?
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Kate Bennett
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Edwina Hart will have equality under
the Social Justice portfolio. Of course, we are anticipating
that Edwina is going to be pleased to hear from us.
She was before, when she was the Chair of the Committee.
But if she has changed her mind or if it was somebody
who did not want to speak to us, then I suppose they
are not required to.
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Vivienne Sugar
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Is the equalities forum still going?
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Kate Bennett
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Yes, there will be an Equality Committee.
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Dr Laura McAllister
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Who enforces Section 120?
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Kate Bennett
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Nobody. This is one specific proposal,
but the Single Equality Body arm in Wales should do
that. The other major issue, of course, is the Welsh
language, which is an equality strand - a seventh equality
strand. Whether it is actually a good idea to identify
specific strands because there are also issues with
gypsy travellers----
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Lord Richard
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That would not be brought into the Single
Equality Body, the Welsh language?
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Kate Bennett
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It could if it was an equality consideration.
If you are a young child or an elderly person with a
health problem in particular, there is an area that
if you cannot access speech therapy in the medium of
Welsh then there is a serious equality issue there.
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Dr Laura McAllister
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There is an overlap.
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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Just going back to Section 120, it has
in subsection (2):
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"After each financial year the Assembly
shall publish a report containing -
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(a) a statement of the arrangements
made in pursuance of subsection (1) which had effect
during that financial year, and
(b) an assessment of how effective
those arrangements were in promoting equality of opportunity."
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I agree that this is self-assessment,
but it is assessment; it is much more than you have
in other bodies?
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Kate Bennett
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That is true.
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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And you say in your evidence at the moment
there is no monitoring mechanism from this duty to promote
equality?
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Kate Bennett
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It should have said "no external".
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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Yes. I am not trying to catch you out.
Do they do it?
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Kate Bennett
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Yes.
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
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Do you comment in your paper on the way
they do it?
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Kate Bennett
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We have not commented on this paper,
no, we comment on the occasion we see----
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
|
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I imagine the report about the way the
whole thing is going.....
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Kate Bennett
|
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I think you might be the person that
needs to read the detailed version of it!
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Lord Richard
|
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How big is it?
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Kate Bennett
|
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130 pages or something.
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Lord Richard
|
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Oh yes, give it to him!
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Mr Bee is waiting very patiently; I think
we ought to hear from him.
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William Bee
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Thank you very much.
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The Disability Rights Commission did
not make a written submission to the Commission because,
as Kate explained, equality legislation remains a reserve
power even in Scotland. All the debate around the Single
Equality Body has made it clear there is no expectation
that in the reasonably foreseeable future it will become
a devolved issue. The DDA remains the main focus of
our activities.
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Clearly in Wales there is Section 120,
which we have already discussed, and I think there is
a perception amongst disability organisations that disability
as an issue has not had as much focus under that power
as other equality issues. I will try not to embark upon
a hierarchy of misery, so much as to say that the initiatives
we can identify are relatively few.
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One area that I think we would regard
as a touchstone to come is the new Assembly building,
where the Assembly has committed to making it fully
accessible. We have some concerns, I have to say, that
having taken a perfectly flat site the architects
initial reaction is to create a hill there. That immediately
makes it more complex from an access point of view.
All these problems are solvable but we need to see a
commitment in the actual final plans and the construction
that ensure that it is, in every sense of the word,
accessible and is a model of good practice. That will
be, I think, the touchstone for disabled people in how
the Assembly has taken forward its responsibilities
as regard to disability under Section 120.
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I think for a great many disabled people
the critical services they look to come from local authorities
and the health services - education, social services,
public buildings, the delivery of leisure services and
health services themselves. Indicators - reports published
- do not tend to show favourably the delivery of those
services in Wales compared with those in England. Most
recently we were looking last year at the Audit Commission
report published in April 2000 reviewing the delivery
of services for disabled people against a number of
key indicators. I have to question sometimes the validity
of some of the indicators. It is difficult, in a service
that is 100% designed for disabled people, to really
measure quality in a purely numerical sense. Just to
take employment in the workforce, for example, an average
of 1.4% of local authority staff in Wales have a declared
disability. The international workforce survey indicates
that over 10% of the UK workforce has disabilities.
Even if you take account of the fact that as many as
50% of those are not in work, you would still be expecting
to see figures in excess of 5%. No Welsh authority gets
anywhere near that. The best is 3.29% in Carmarthenshire;
the worst is Blaenau Gwent with 0.15% of its workforce.
I think that actually does not reflect the true state
of play. What it may reflect is a reluctance on the
part of disabled people in that workforce to declare
that they have a disability, because they fear they
may not be fairly treated. There have been instances
- we know from cases we have dealt with - of people
who have asked for a reasonable adjustment in order
to remain in work because of the onset of a disability
that has been denied to them and the employer has moved
towards dismissal.
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Vivienne Sugar
|
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Local Authorities used to be able to
apply for exemption on the grounds that people were
not represented and so on. Is that still there?
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William Bee
|
|
That provision was under the old green
card registered disabled system, which was abolished
when the Disability Discrimination Act was introduced.
There is no longer, equally, the quota, which is to
require bodies, private and public, to employ 3% disabled
people on their workforce - and I do not think anybody
ever got anywhere near that and that whole piece of
legislation became discredited.
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Vivienne Sugar
|
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When we see the Welsh local government
situation, are there any other questions we ought to
be present on?
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William Bee
|
|
I can pass on a Highlights report on
some of our analysis of these figures. Interesting,
for example, special educational needs statement assessment
and the processing of them: the target should be to
process them 18 weeks. A number of authorities did achieve
that: Denbighshire confessed to only 12% and in Blaenau
Gwent 13% are processed within 18 weeks. It is a serious
denial of service because if you are missing out on
18 weeks of education waiting to be assessed that is
a gap you have got to fill and 18 weeks is a minimum.
Clearly, there are authorities which are taking far
longer to deal with these issues.
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There is assessment around the accessibility
of buildings, but that is based on whether they can
comply with Part M of the Building Regulations, and
they tend to only apply to newer buildings, so some
local authorities which have older building stock may
find themselves appearing badly within those statistics
even though they have made efforts to make them accessible.
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One of the measures that I think is particularly
open to discrediting is that of pedestrian crossings
and how many of them have got tactile paving. We know
anecdotally of an authority which, in order to meet
that indicator, has diverted funds from ordinary pavement
maintenance to installing more tactile paving - but
if you trip over on the paving stones to get to the
crossing, you are no better off. We are looking to work
with the Welsh Local Government Association within the
Wales Improvement Plan to try and improve the quality
of indicators with regard to disabilities. I have to
say these figures relate to the year 2000/2001 and clearly
the National Assembly had only been in existence for
a couple of years. It would be hard to hold them to
account for problems there. What consistently we have
seen in performance is poor performance in Wales compared
to England. We would be looking to the National Assembly
to drive standards up in the coming four years of the
next session of the Assembly. I think failure to do
so would call into question many disabled peoples
assessment of the benefits or merits of devolution,
but I think it is too early as yet to call that one
in either direction.
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With regard to a Single Equality Body,
I would really support all that Kate has said. We have
worked very closely, the three Commissions here in Wales,
and I think we would, perhaps, encourage colleagues
in England to mirror the practice which might ease some
of the urgency behind the drive towards the Single Equality
Body. The recommendations that we are making follow
from joint work.
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Dr Laura McAllister
|
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Were the disability groups not a little
less kind on the SEB in terms of the timetable being
introduced?
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William Bee
|
|
I was referring specifically to the issues
with regard to devolution - the practice of working
effectively with the National Assembly, the Welsh Assembly
Government, and the engagement and the appointment of
a commissioner. As a question of principle, I think
(as Kate alluded to early on in her presentation), there
are concerns that there are some very specific equality
issues in disability discrimination that a Single Equality
Body may not deal effectively with.. For some disabled
people, discrimination is measured in the angle of a
ramp, or in the luminosity or reflective quality of
signage if they have a visual impairment. There is concern
that disabled people may not find that addressed effectively
within a purely functional Single Equality Body because
a policy officer may be able to talk in principle about
what constitutes discrimination; they may not have that
detailed and specialist knowledge - which is why we
are calling for a structure for a Single Equality Body
which retains functional specialisms.
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Lord Richard
|
|
It seems to me most of your complaints
and arguments are with local authorities and not with
the Assembly Government?
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William Bee
|
|
Just as the UK Government is held responsible
for the delivery of public services, we would be saying
that the Assembly Government in time - and I think four
years is too short a period and, anyway, figures are
not available even throughout that period - that we
would see the Assembly moving to set effective targets.
There are very specific issues in Wales with some of
the very small local authorities; there have been statements
in the press (and it has not got beyond that) that some
local authorities, particularly in the education field,
if they get a child with very expensive special educational
needs, will find their entire education budget distorted
by the cost of meeting the needs of that particular
child.
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A survey done by SENSE, the national
charity for people who are deaf-blind, found very poor
quality provision because local authorities did not
have sufficient people within their catchment area who
were deaf-blind. So what you got was someone who was
deaf-blind was allocated either to a social worker for
the deaf or a social worker for the blind who had a
bit of spare capacity. The issues amongst people who
are deaf-blind are very distinct, but their numbers
did not justify the creation of a specialist post.
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A framework to promote collaborative
working between local authorities in those situations
would seem to be the sort of mechanism that we would
be looking for. Jane Davidson has taken powers in the
education field to encourage that sort of collaborative
working and, I believe, if necessary require it. It
may be necessary in the provision of Social Services
to look to similar sorts of powers. One would always
want local authorities to collaborate willingly but
they do not necessarily always do so.
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Lord Richard
|
|
Tell us a bit about your relationship
with the Assembly. We have heard from the EOC how theirs
works; how does yours work?
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William Bee
|
|
In a very similar way. We, too, are a
Statutory Adviser on the Equality of Opportunities Committee
and work in the same flexible and informal way (I would
say). I would say access to Ministers is extremely good.
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
|
|
Can I interrupt? You say a Statutory
Adviser to the Committee. There is the duty under Section
120 for the Assembly to pursue a general objective,
but in what other sense do you mean you are a Statutory
Adviser?
|
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William Bee
|
|
That is the description we are given
by the Chair of the Equal Opportunities Committee.
|
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Vivienne Sugar
|
|
It is probably to distinguish you from
a political adviser?
|
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William Bee
|
|
Yes. We are a statutory body set up by
an Act of Parliament.
|
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
|
|
It is your origins rather than a duty.
|
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William Bee
|
|
Yes. That contrasts with, say, the Lesbian
Gay Bisexual Forum which does not have a statutory basis
and therefore would be described as a voluntary adviser.
|
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Lord Richard
|
|
They would do the same sort of job in
respect of their people as you do for your people?
|
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William Bee
|
|
They are moving in that direction.
|
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Lord Richard
|
|
Do they go to Committee meetings?
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William Bee
|
|
They do now go to Committee meetings.
|
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Kate Bennett
|
|
As observers, not as advisers.
|
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Lord Richard
|
|
So you go to Committees the same as the
EOC?
|
|
William Bee
|
|
Yes. We receive the papers, we sit at
the table, we speak - well, we have never been denied
the right to speak - and we have actively been encouraged
to contribute to the debate.
|
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
|
|
If you do speak, you will go on being
heard, will you not?
|
|
William Bee
|
|
I do not anticipate any change; I do
not see any reason for a change in that.
|
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Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
|
|
Can you say something about section 48
of the Act? In your observations, do you think the Assembly
has made appropriate arrangements to ensure that its
business is conducted with due regard to the principle
that there should be equality of opportunity for all
people?
|
|
William Bee
|
|
I would not point to any indication that
they have not done so as yet.
|
|
Sir Michael Wheeler-Booth
|
|
That is rather negative.
|
|
William Bee
|
|
Yes. I suppose the reason I am being
slightly cautious is that one of the issues we are dealing
with in regard to the new building is that in order
to get a rake on the seating in the debating chamber
that will meet the broadcasters needs to be able
to show people, it appears as though there may need
to be lifts installed so that someone with a mobility
impairment can move around the debating chamber. Implicit
within that would be that any front bencher in particular
who had a mobility impairment needed to make special
arrangements to take their seat. That does not sit comfortably
with a duty to pay due regard to equality throughout
the conduct of their business. This is a design issue,
which we are grappling with at the moment and we hope
we can find a solution to.
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Huw Thomas
|
|
I ought to start by declaring an interest
as a Trustee of the RNID and someone who did not declare
their disability until a very late stage.
|
|
I would be interested to know how you
see in terms of within your own remit, if there was
not Section 120 would it be easier to deal with the
situation in Wales, is it easier to achieve things like
working between health and education in Wales as opposed
to England simply by virtue of the fact that the Assembly
is responsible, or does it require extra work in terms
of using the Section 120 powers to try and drive policies?
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William Bee
|
|
I think there are some distinctive advantages
to working in Wales. There is established by the Equalities
Committee an equalities round table, which brings together
the Chief Executive of a range of public bodies in Wales
- ELWa, ACCAC, the Welsh Local Government Association,
ourselves (if we attend). To get the Chief Execs of
all those equivalent public bodies together in England
would be almost inconceivable. This creates a forum
to discuss and take forward equality issues in a way
that I think is showing signs of being useful, and there
are some useful initiatives emerging.
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So I think there are opportunities which
the Assembly can exploit and is starting to do so, but
I return to the actual question of delivery - just
getting people together to discuss issues is stage one.
What disabled people on the ground will measure is the
quality of services they receive where they are dependent
upon Social Services or needing special educational
provision, and it is the driving down that we want to
see, and that is a challenge that I think every government
faces.
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|
Huw Thomas
|
|
We heard from Kate, but I have to say
that from outside it looks very much as though equality
on the agenda has been driven on the equal opportunities
side. DRC is a more recent Commission. Have you found
Section 120 to be equally as useful in driving the DRC
agenda?
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William Bee
|
|
I would say not yet. We were created
only in April 2000, we are a year younger than the Assembly
itself and, like the Assembly, I think we grappled for
quite some time with the consequences of being set up
at breakneck speed and the need to address internal
issues and get ourselves to function effectively.
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|
The earliest initiative we have taken
with the National Assembly was a range of events last
year to promote new duties under the Disability Discrimination
Act that come into effect in October 2004 and to make
businesses aware of them. This attracted over 450 people
to a series of events across Wales. Nothing comparable
has been undertaken by the relevant Department, the
Department for Work and Pensions, in England. I suspect
it would not be possible for them to deliver it because
of the sheer size and population they would be addressing.
They will be doing a poster campaign, which will cost
rather more than the work that was done with the National
Assembly, and that will not be for a few months yet.
So that is one example where we have been able to work
effectively and they have picked up our agenda.
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|
That is very specific to the Disability
Rights Commission and our remit within the Disability
Discrimination Act. There is nothing else as yet that
we are looking to take forward at present. For example,
the work which Kate identified on public appointments:
one of the gaps in the DDA is that it does not cover
the holders of public office. So you have no statutory
right to Palantype for your appointment in this post.
We do know stories of councillors who have a visual
impairment who have been unable to get papers delivered
in large print or in Braille because the bodies which
they have been elected to have refused to do so. That
is a real gap in the legislation and therefore means
that work around public appointments is more difficult
to take forward because there is a weakness in the armour.
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|
We would not want to encourage disabled
people to put themselves forward in order to find themselves
humiliated by not getting the adjustments they require
to operate effectively in the roles to which they were
appointed.
|
|
Tom Jones
|
|
Coming back to this question of scrutiny
and links between the National Assembly and the Westminster
Government, I still cannot get clear in my mind the
accountability issue and some of the scrutiny issues.
For example, if the single body was established with
an office in Wales and some level of autonomy (whatever
that is) and the Equalities Committee wished to actually
scrutinise the working of the Commission in Wales, it
could not really do that in full because of the financial
accountability, out of which comes the allocation of
resources, which would still be a non-devolved headquarters.
I am looking at it from the other point of view. If
the Select Committee in Parliament was looking at the
Commission, would the MPs in Parliament be sufficiently
interested to look at the work of the Commission in
Wales and would they say "This is something for the
Assembly to take an interest in"? Do you see the clarity
and have you got any thoughts on that?
|
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William Bee
|
|
I see entirely the lack of clarity; I
am not sure I have any immediate answers. As Kate was
saying, within the issue of developing our work plan,
where the National Assembly has clearly enunciated that
it wants to work on an issue with us, I have never had
difficulty getting it into the work plan where we would
ourselves want to do so. Difficulties arise where initiatives
come up part way through the year. Life is like that.
Would it not be wonderful if we could operate on 12-month
business plans and nothing ever changed? Then we may
find that we have a lack of resources.
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|
There are also occasions where the National
Assembly at the moment might want to work on an issue
where we do not feel we can effectively resource working
with them in Wales with the level of resource that we
have got. The DRC has not prioritised housing as an
issue - we had to make some fairly tough decisions as
to where we want to work. So if the National Assembly
said "We want to work with you on housing", we would
have no central policy resource we could draw on; we
would be developing it from scratch within our staff
team in Wales. That team is not large enough to go into
it in the depth that we would need to work effectively.
|
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Tom Jones
|
|
Sometimes we have seen examples. In that
dilemma, the Assembly steps in with a bit of funding.
|
|
William Bee
|
|
Yes.
|
|
Tom Jones
|
|
Fine, but obviously then adding to the
confusion about the Assembly scrutinising its involvement
with that. Who does it then call into account?
|
|
William Bee
|
|
Yes, and that would certainly be interesting.
Our Chief Executive, as accounting officer, would be
accountable to Westminster. Whether he devolved responsibility
to me with regard to funding from the National Assembly,
I am not sure. We have received funding just recently
to contribute towards the monitoring of the last Assembly
elections - a useful contribution and partnership work
we did with other voluntary organisations, including
Disability Wales, who I think you saw yesterday. That
secured a very high level of response, such that I had
hoped to bring the interim results to this meeting,
but with over 350 questionnaires to analyse it has not
been possible to do so.
|
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Tom Jones
|
|
So you have got a cheque from the Assembly
which you are responsible for and you spend it entirely
in Wales?
|
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William Bee
|
|
Yes.
|
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Ted Rowlands
|
|
This dilemma of whether you are going
to have new UK bodies created like the Single Equality
Body (and yet its work impacts upon within Wales) impacts
upon National Assembly policies, but where there is
no transfer of executive responsibility whether in fact
oddly the concept that was way back mooted in 1964 at
the beginning of all this devolution of the Welsh Office,
that there would be a concept of oversight where there
is not a transfer of executive powers but nevertheless
the Assembly could be given oversight responsibility
on the behaviour of a national UK body in its relationships
to its activities in Wales. The concept of oversight
was hugely debated when the whole first step of executive
devolution was taking place in 1963/64 and I wondered
whether in fact the considerable oversight might not
have a rule to play?
|
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William Bee
|
|
It sounds attractive to me, reacting
immediately to it. I think however to make local autonomy
work, a Single Equality Body will be working within
the framework of an agreed corporate plan. To comment
solely on a performance in Wales would mean that there
would be no input into the structuring of the corporate
plan and, therefore, all you could really monitor would
be the quality of our work in delivering that. If the
corporate plan was not truly appropriate to the equality
agenda in Wales, it would be very difficult to challenge
that process, based on assessment purely of Wales. So
that reverse process has certain attractions to it.
|
|
I do not think that you could ever get
true clarity and accountability into these structures
within the structure of devolution as it is currently
arranged - but that is for you, perhaps, to resolve.
|
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Ted Rowlands
|
|
Except, perhaps, I wonder how much that
was going to be because if you are saying you are making
the condition of agreeing to a Single Equality Body
a single Equality Act, I have been sitting here while
you have been talking and while Kate has been talking
and my mind boggles at the idea of a piece of legislation
that is going to somehow bring all the race discrimination
legislation and what-have-you into one cohesive thing.
I must say it is a very formidable idea and the political
decisions that have to be taken - at which level are
you going to strike? Are you going to lower some areas,
or lift everyone up to what is the maximum point of
one end of the structure? Is everything going to be
lifted to that level? I can see why a government is
shy on the concept of a single equality Bill.
|
|
William Bee
|
|
I think we may even quietly sympathise
with the headache. The concern we would have would be
that the staff of a Single Equality Body taking an inquiry
from someone who feels they have been discriminated
against might be saying "Yes, I know you are disabled
and you have been discriminated against, but it is not
covered by the Act - but do you happen to be black?"
because then we might be able to get them on the race
angle of it. That would create huge tensions within
the body itself; require of the staff concerned to master
countless pieces of legislation instead of just one,
and would lead, I am sure, to frustration amongst individual
people who are experiencing discrimination when they
are compared with their peers who may fall within the
ambit of another piece of legislation.
|
|
Dr Laura McAllister
|
|
Can I ask you about the second part of
our terms of reference, the electoral arrangements and
so on, because it is obviously an issue of equal concern
to us? I just wondered whether you had any comments
about the representation in the National Assembly in
terms of the groups you represent more broadly. In some
sense, one could argue that by having parity of the
sexes the issue is not broadening at the moment, but
others would argue that is not going to be consistent
throughout the time of the Assembly, and on the disability
front there are no registered disabled AMs. I just wondered,
given the relationship that you have with the Assembly
and the Ministers, do you regard that as being adequate
in terms of representation or going to the academic
library this idea that an elected body has to be the
microcosm of the political side of the agenda, in which
case do we need to have disabled people in the Assembly
and ethnic minorities and so on and, if so, how are
we going to do it?
|
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William Bee
|
|
We identified in the last Assembly three
AMs who had a disability. I am not conscious that any
of them overtly stress that they have an impairment,
and that is one of the particular factors which applies
with regard to disability. Where gender is concerned,
putting aside the few transsexuals, you are a woman
or a man and you are identified as such, and your experiences
may well inform how you operate as an AM. Disability
is often invisible and whether you even consider it
as a disability may be a matter of personal attitude.
Someone who is becoming frailer with age may just think,
"I am getting a bit old". Interestingly, a study done
by the Department of Work and Pensions recently indicated
that of people who in the course of their survey they
identified as meeting the definition of disabled within
the DDA, only about 52% of them described themselves
as disabled.
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|
Those people, the ones who have identified
themselves, may have an agenda and a perception and
a view of the world that sees discrimination in the
way in which they are treated. I suspect that those
people who have not identified themselves as disabled
probably therefore will not see discrimination in a
failure to meet their particular needs. So someone with
failing eyesight, who has reached the point where they
would fall within the scope of the DDA, just says "Oh,
its small print and I cant read it any more"
- not "I have a right to ask for, as a reasonable adjustment,
a copy of this in a larger print".
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|
Therefore, the extent to which disabled
people take forward as an agenda as a disabled person
may well depend upon how they react to disability. I
certainly know there are disabled people - David Blunkett,
for example, who sees his vision impairment as more
of an inconvenience than a disability, is not necessarily
taking forward a case for disability in driving through
change in his role as Home Secretary, other than being
a very obvious role model for other disabled people.
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|
So I cannot see the quota-type structure
working within any Body, whether it be elected or otherwise,
any further. I think it is important that organisations
monitor the makeup of their elected members and their
staff in order to see whether they may be indirectly
discriminating, and it is important that they do that
monitoring in a way in which people feel they can say
"yes, I fit that definition. I may not necessarily go
and join a disability association, I do not see myself
as part of a political movement but, yes, I do fit that
definition and I do need some degree of recognition
of it by my employer or the body of which I am a member".
|
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Lord Richard
|
|
Thank you very much. Can I thank both
of you for coming this morning? We have had a very interesting
session, from which I have learnt a great deal.
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